“Da Kine” Cultural History

“What, you guys no stay go eat yet?” This is a familiar sentiment frequently expressed by my grandmother, perpetually baking in her tiny kitchen in Aiea, Hawaii.

“No, we no stay eat. We jus’ pau hana ‘das why,” her neighbor responds. My Caucasian mother—hailing from the distant mainland coast of California—desperately needs a translation.

“They just finished work and haven’t had dinner yet,” my dad offers, easily understanding the Hawaiian Pidgin English of his childhood.

Although Hawaiian Pidgin is often misinterpreted as slang or a divergent English diction, the U.S. Census Bureau acknowledged it as an official, distinct language in November 2015. With nearly 400 other languages recognized, one more may not seem like a meaningful addition. However, considering the language’s evolution in usage, the Bureau’s decision marks a significant step for cultural expression and acceptance within Hawaii.

Hawaiian Pidgin is more than just a common staple of local culture or a tourism selling point, and its history is darker than the brightly colored leis would indicate. Hawaiian Pidgin originated from the systematic exploitation of immigrant laborers, often of Asian origin, by Caucasian (haole) plantation owners in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The Reciprocity Treaty of 1875 between the US and the Kingdom of Hawaii set the foundations for plantation multiculturalism; it provided America with unrestricted access to Hawaiian sugar, prompting large-scale American investment in sugarcane plantations. In search of cheap labor for their plantations, the owners brought workers to Hawaii from China, Japan, Korea, Portugal, Puerto Rico,wh and the Philippines. Plantation owners benefitted from such waves of immigration, as their culturally distinct workers were not able to communicate and build trust among themselves to organize collectively and stir up labor unrest.

In the absence of a common tongue, Hawaiian Pidgin English was born. The grammatical structure is largely based on Hawaiian, Cantonese, and Portuguese, and the vocabulary mostly consists of words from English, Hawaiian, Japanese, and Portuguese. The plantation workers’ pidgin patois allowed for the slow emergence of a unique, conglomerate culture. With time, the immigrants raised their children to speak the plantation pidgin; when children learned Hawaiian Pidgin as their first language, it became a stable creole. It is neither slang nor a lexicon of synonyms; by definition, creole—including Hawaiian Pidgin English—is a unique language, complete with its own distinct grammatical structure, syntax, vocabulary, and meaning. As both a new tool and symbol of diverse immigrants establishing their own local culture, Hawaiian Pidgin became a rallying point for people of multicultural and displaced identities. Hawaiian Pidgin has heart—it is the consequence of American economic exploitation, but at the same time the triumph of a marginalized community.

While still integral to the communal culture of Hawaiian locals, Hawaiian Pidgin has been historically stigmatized. Students were discouraged from using their native Hawaiian Pidgin in school when “English standard” schools were a part of the education system. Moreover, workplaces distanced themselves from Hawaiian Pidgin-speaking potential employees—that is, unless the employer was associated with tourism. Deeply, and rightfully, associated with Hawaii, Hawaiian Pidgin was exploited by tourism agencies to supply their customers with a uniquely Hawaiian experience. In the proximate past, viewed through the lens of Hawaii’s mass tourism, Hawaiian Pidgin has become emblematic of how visitors view contemporary Hawaiian culture: kitschy, alternative, and fun. “Dictionaries” have been compiled with funny Hawaiian Pidgin idioms to sell in airports and convenience stores, alongside travel-size ukuleles and pineapple key chains. “Da kine” and “shaka, bruddah” are examples of accessible phrases inextricable from the tourist experience. Obviously, taking part in and appreciating culture does not necessitate or mean appropriation. However, by forgetting and extracting Hawaiian Pidgin’s origins from its sound, the unique and legitimate language of Hawaii’s immigrant laborers and their struggle becomes nonsensical slang to an uninformed ear.

Due to the efforts of linguists and locals, the Census Bureau has taken a step in the right direction. As an official language, Hawaiian Pidgin is recognized for its origins and cultural significance. With less stigmatization, native Hawaiian Pidgin speakers can better integrate into educational and formal settings. Because the Bureau allowed the practice of creole language, Hawaiian Pidgin no longer has to be an alternative vernacular, but instead can be a mainstream and important medium of social identity and multiculturalism.