Colors of Gay Politics
High-pitched voices, feminine appearance, good fashion tastes… Among the many stereotypical beliefs regarding gay men, them being a group of solid Democrats is one appearing less in sketches and stand-up comedies but equally prevalent. My friends’ enchanting revelations about some conservative guy’s sexual orientation often result in astounded bursts of “He’s gay? But he’s a Republican!”
Is this generalization generally true? On the one hand, it is theoretically coherent and empirically supported that intensified political polarization in America has resulted in “the rise of political uniformity.” Under this logic, because it is traditionally the Democratic Party that backs the queer movement, gay men would be reflexive Democrats and conform to liberal values on every issue. Nonetheless, the drastic shift in public opinion on homosexuality has pushed the GOP to abandon its decades-long crusade against gay rights. As Republican Party platforms in recent election cycles removed languages targeting sexual minorities, gay people are no longer under a dichotomy between the Democratic Party and an agenda that attacks their very meaning and lifestyle. At the 2016 GOP National Convention, Peter Thiel, a gay entrepreneur, boldly pronounced, “I am proud to be gay. I am proud to be a Republican. But most of all, I am proud to be an American.”
Rising bipartisan consensus on homosexual rights is enabling voices like that of Thiel to increase in volume. As a member of the group, I find it interesting to see how my gay friends differ in their political ideology, and how gay politics emerges from a single color to include shades of purple and red. While the following observations are anecdotal and may be stereotypes themselves, they serve to illustrate how political acceptance translates to the political diversification of a community.
Once overwhelmingly dominant in the gay community, hard-core Democrats have declined in influence but are still the mainstream. Gay men who identify as Democrats often participate in LGBTQ+ events—frequenting gay bars, marching in pride parades, and joining local gay sports teams. L’s Saturday starts with him running on the court with his gay futsal team and ends with a team gathering in gay bars like Number Nine or Trade. Meanwhile, M will go to Dupont Circle, the gayest neighborhood in D.C., and have brunch at Annie’s Paramount Steakhouse, a place that has welcomed gay couples for almost 70 years. He also organizes lunch meetings with his gay friends every year during the Christmas season and was crowned the Best Drag Queen in a parade several years ago. For M and L, being a gay man is the quintessential part of their identity and defines most of their daily life.
Politically, Democratic gay guys stand up for transgender rights and restorative justice and do not shy away from expressing their views on social media. Every year in June, L visits Nationals Park just to boo Republican representatives in the Congressional Baseball Game. Having many transgender friends, M shares his concern over the GOP’s “anti-woke” campaigns and the series of transphobic legislations passed in red states. After Governor Ron DeSantis signed Florida’s anti-drag law, M posted a quote from liberal comedian Wanda Sykes on Instagram—“Until a drag queen walks into a school and beats eight kids to death with a copy of ‘To Kill a Mockingbird,’ I think you’re focusing on the wrong s**t.” On X, formerly known as Twitter, 50% of B’s posts show him rallying in St. Louis, demanding gender-affirming healthcare and abortion rights. Their close relationship with the queer community helps them sympathize with the problems and discrimination faced by other groups of sexual minorities, from transgender activists to lesbian feminists. Conversely, their alignment with liberal causes strengthens their connection with the group where Democrats still maintain a clear majority.
Perceiving gay Democrats’ socially active lifestyle as both ostentatious and exhausting, many gay men with moderate political views lead lives that are no different from straight people. In the opinion of R, there are only two types of gay bars: ones like Number Nine where high-class gay men stand pretentiously with their friend groups and only talk to people they know, and the ones like Green Lantern where shirtless dancing and open-view hookups make the scene too crude to bear. Rather than choosing between the two, R spends his Friday nights drinking with his straight friends in a local Cuban restaurant. S, on the other hand, takes a step further: he does not even want to enter the queer territory in downtown D.C. because “extreme” Democrats have transformed the city into a chaotic swamp where traffic is bad and crime is up. For S, an ideal weekend in the Maryland suburbs entails a classy blend of playing golf, exploring breweries, and venturing into nature to capture Instagrammable photos of his fancy car. While R and S are the delightful diversity elements in their circles, they remind their heterosexual friends that sexual orientation only defines their bedroom business instead of their social existence.
By socially distancing themselves from progressive voices within the queer movement, moderate gay guys are able to express their disagreement with the current LGBTQ+ campaign and the woke ideology. As an avid fan of Bill Maher, R brands the non-partisan comedian’s renowned quote as his political motto: “The difference is that liberals protect people, and PC (politically correct) people protect feelings.” Within R’s personal interpretation of political correctness, the use of nonbinary pronouns and the advocacy for transgender rights are the aspects that trouble him the most. He is not alone. When scrolling through profiles on a dating app together, W tells me that he hates to see some guys labeling themselves as a cisgender man. “I am a man and man only,” W said, “I do not need to distinguish how real I am from those who are not.” Taken aback by this transphobic remark, I instantly realized how wide the divide has grown among members of the queer community. As the abbreviation expands from LG to LGBTQIA+, moderate gay men often say, “This is not our fight.” But the question remains: if the gay liberation movement based itself on individuals’ freedom to be true to themselves, isn’t the fight for personalized gender identity a continuation of homosexuals’ earlier struggle?
Though united in their opposition to the new generation of liberal ideology, moderate and Republican gay men nevertheless differ in their attitudes towards one individual: Donald Trump. For moderate gay men, queer politics explains why they are not Democrats but is irrelevant to why they are against Trump and hesitant in labeling themselves as Republicans. Instead, their reasons are the same as those of any other non-Republican: that climate change is happening, abortion should be legal, or simply “Trump is crazy.” However, in the opinions of many Republican gay men, Trump’s alleged support for the community was the biggest incentive for them to join the MAGA movement. In the few conversations I had with D, he passionately told me that because “most Democrats are Communists,” their alignment with gay people sabotages the latter’s public image. On the other hand, by promoting gay rights during his campaigns, Trump is the one who “did something good for us.” Counterintuitive and mind-bending as this message seems, it is the stance of the Log Cabin Republicans (LCR), a major conservative LGBTQ+ group. In the pre-2020 election article written by LCR’s chair Robert Kabel, the Trump administration carried out initiatives against the spread of HIV/AIDS and advocated for the decriminalization of homosexuality in Middle Eastern nations. According to Kabel, Trump’s commitment to “Inclusion Wins” rendered the organization’s endorsement for his reelection inevitable.
But is such a commitment sincere? During Trump’s presidency, his record on gay rights was mixed at best. While he was the first Republican president to publicly congratulate LCR, Trump ordered the removal of all LGBTQ+ content on federal websites immediately after his inauguration. Furthermore, his administration erased questions surveying people’s sexual orientation in the 2020 census and established the “conscience rule” that could allow medical workers to deny cares for gay or transgender patients based on religious reasons. Such inconsistency points to a broader pattern, wherein GOP candidates must prioritize the support of their pro-family evangelical base before soliciting gay votes. The bigger concern is: are Republican gay guys really accepted by their own party? Though anti-gay attacks are no longer the election tactics for Republicans, most GOP politicians are still on the opposing side when deciding policies. Despite being recognized as a bipartisan accomplishment in the press release, the Respect for Marriage Act of 2022, which codified federal recognition of same-sex marriages, received objections from a supermajority of Republican representatives and senators. In statements of opposing members, “violation of religious freedom” was the most frequently mentioned phrase. Whenever there is a Supreme Court case that pits gay couples against religion, conservative interest groups file a flood of amicus briefs, preaching to the conservative choir of Justices that public businesses should retain the right to claim religious exemptions from anti-discrimination legislation. In that regard, aren’t most Republicans viewing gay people as second-class citizens, subject to denial of public services once the word “God” is uttered?
How will those carrying “Gay for Trump” signs at MAGA rallies react to this question? Personally, I do not know many Republican gay guys whose responses I can collect. On the website of LCR, however, one answer stands out. The history and mission of LCR, as they claim, are about “build(ing) a stronger, more inclusive Republican Party based on the principles of freedom and fairness for all Americans.” They did not join the GOP to find unanimity, but to shake things up and to be the pioneer of gay rights among a historically hostile crowd. In LCR’s view, they are the reason why Thiel’s declaration of his gay identity can receive a standing ovation from a conservative audience today.
Once considered the radical fringe of progressive movements decades ago, gay people are now gaining influence across the political spectrum and within the Republican establishment. Although our views on various matters may differ, we share a common objective: to let “love is love” become a universal consensus independent of ideology. As we spread from blue cities to red prairies, we are advancing towards our destiny of blending into this ever-evolving nation.
Michael Qian ’26 studies in the College of Arts and Sciences. He can be reached at mankang@wustl.edu