Duck, Duck, Nukes: North Korea’s Game

In the childhood game of “Duck, Duck, Goose,” a circle of players sits on the ground as one person, known as the “it,” moves around the circle, tapping each person’s head and calling out either “duck” or “goose.” When “goose” is called, the chosen person must chase the “it” before they can sit in the goose’s spot. In the realm of international relations, North Korea and its totalitarian leader Kim Jong Un are playing a similar game, with Kim as the “it,” and his various allies representing the players in the circle. Kim’s strategy is akin to the game’s objective: select the slowest goose. In Kim’s case, Russia is the country with the most to lose without North Korea’s cooperation, and Kim has said “goose.”

Over the past half-decade, North Korea has steadily increased its nuclear and military footprint, creating a façade of power. This year, however, North Korea’s actions have deviated from the norm, raising questions about whether it is bolstering its foreign alliances to fight against Western pressures, primarily from the United States and its next-door neighbor South Korea.

Just this month, Kim Jong Un concluded his global game of Duck, Duck, Goose by visiting a Russian rocket launching facility in Russia’s far east. There, the two major Western adversaries cemented a collaborative agreement, expanding their military cooperation and intensifying confrontation with the West. Kim’s presence at one of Russia’s primary space launch sites also suggests Kim’s desire in obtaining Russian support for space-based applications, including reconnaissance satellites and missile technologies, both of which can be used against Kim’s adversaries.

However, there is another crucial aspect to this seemingly impromptu meeting. The ongoing conflict in Ukraine has strained Russian manufacturing, further exacerbated by economic sanctions from major international powers. In this dire situation, Russia is turning to an unexpected ally: North Korea. North Korea possesses the ability to produce conventional

munitions that Russia can use in its offensive against Ukraine. In exchange, Russia can provide North Korea with food, nuclear-capable long-range missiles, spy satellites, and, most alarmingly for the U.S., a nuclear submarine capable of reaching the U.S. mainland.

Russia’s desperation is clear. As Michael Horowitz, Head of Intelligence at Le Beck International, points out, “the Russian president wants ammunition,” and “simply put, if you can fire more at the enemy, you have a better chance of success.” Phillips O’Brien, a professor of strategic studies at the University of St. Andrews adds that “North Korea would certainly have large stocks of Russian/Soviet standard ammunition, stocks that could provide real support for the Russians, who are using ammunition at a prodigious clip.” North Korea recognizes Russia’s vulnerability with its dwindling resources in its war against a country 28 times smaller. Seeing its weakness, North Korea has called “goose” over Russia, with Putin eagerly in pursuit.

With Kim offering his total support to Russia, North Korea has clearly taken a step in a more aggressive direction, one aimed directly at the United States and its allies.

During his visit, Kim Jong Un’s nonchalant attitude was a diplomatic middle finger towards the U.S. Kim enjoyed visits to Russia’s Far Eastern University and Primorsky Aquarium, where he interacted with various marine life, including a walrus named “Misha,” an interaction that

Russian media curiously stated Kim “seemed to particularly enjoy.” These leisurely activities highlight Kim’s growing closeness with Russia. However, Kim’s main goal lay waiting at his next stop.

Kim’s six-day excursion continued with a tour of an airbase in Vladivostok, where Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu showcased Russia’s flagship bombers, frigates, and new cruise missiles with ranges exceeding 4,000 miles. As the grand finale, Shoigu unveiled the state-of-the-art “Kinzhal” hypersonic missile — a weapon with nuclear capabilities and the ability to beat air defense systems thanks to its hypersonic speeds, a feat that Kim had only seen in his dreams. This meeting was not the first between Kim and Shoigu; in July, Shoigu visited Pyongyang to discuss, as North Korean State media puts it, “practical issues arising in further strengthening the strategic and tactical coordination, cooperation and mutual exchange between the armed forces of the two countries.” With Kim’s now unwavering support, North Korea has taken a more aggressive stance, one aimed directly at the United States and its allies.

Kim’s version of Duck, Duck, Goose always ends with North Korea having the upper hand, with Kim’s most recent meeting with Putin signifying North Korea’s coming of age. Instead of sporadically firing missiles over South Korea as a whimsical show of force, North Korea has solidified a crucial alliance with a major international power — one with a nuclear arsenal capable of global destruction with the push of a button. While Russia’s nuclear weapons may primarily serve as a deterrent, like a kid with a new toy, Kim and North Korea might become more aggressive in the years to come. Kim knows that his only option of gaining deterrence against his enemies is to, at least convincingly, be the next world leader with a big red button.

Alan Knight ‘27 studies in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at a.z.knight@wustl.edu.